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The USA is highly influential educator specializing is teaching democracy the countries with oil reserves or having strategic importance for other reasons. For some reason Saudi Arabia regime is exempt (as well as other Golf monarchies) and that makes that the whole cycle of "lectures" just a hypocrisy fair. Nobody take it seriously and probably should not.
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This is just a smoke screen for promotion of vital economic interest. In a way Democracy is one of the top US export product (sometimes on the tips of bayonets, exactly like Trotsky envisioned the export of revolution). This is an integral part of the American Exceptionalism which positions the county as God blessed "a shining city upon a hill".
The administration's September 2002 National Security Strategy, which lays out our post-September 11 strategic vision, prominently features "democracy promotion" as the key instrument of foreign policy. The strategy describes it as a core part of our overall national security doctrine and is applicable mainly to countries that contain oil or significant other raw material deposits. Here is a pretty typical post from guardian.co.uk (Why American ‘democracy promotion’ rings hollow in the Middle East Mark Weisbrot):
I have to laugh when I see the International Republican Institute (IRI) described by the international media as an “organization that promotes democracy” (in this case, on NPR). The IRI is in the news lately because Egypt’s military government has put some of its members on a “no-fly” list and thereby trapped them in the country, facing investigation and possible trial. I am wondering just how credulous these journalists and editors are: if I were to describe the Center for Economic and Policy Research as “a magical organization that transforms scrap metal into gold”, would that become CEPR’s standard description in the news?
Internal use of democracy in the USA does exist on local level but on national level is very limited by two party system which is actually an improved variant of Soviet one party rule. In reality the USA is the country that is ruled by oligarchy, like most other countries in the world. The only problem here is that the USA oligarchy is more aggressive then others and created a huge global empire that now is experiencing some troubles.
That's why hiding behind the slogan of defending "democracy" and "freedom" The Bush administration as well as later Obama administration actually pursued an extremely pragmatic interests of maximum gain of power and influence of America and the weakening of real and imaginary opponents. In other word "democracy promotion" serves as empire repair kit.
As Anatol Lieven noted in his classic article Putin versus Cheney - The New York Times
WASHINGTON — In many ways, Russian President Vladimir Putin and U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney are rather similar characters. Both are highly intelligent, but both see the world above all through the restrictive prisms of security and national power.
Both are patriots, but - like so many leaders - with a tendency to see national power and their own power as one and the same thing. Both are capable of great ruthlessness in defending what they see as the vital interests of their countries. Both are publicly committed to democracy and human rights, but both have been responsible for policies that have called this commitment into question.
But to judge by their records, and especially their speeches of the past week, there is also an important difference between them. Putin is a statesman, and Cheney is not.
Cheney's tub-thumping speech in Vilnius, Lithuania, attacking Russia for lack of democracy and energy "blackmail," coupled with his attempts to create an energy alliance against Russia, invited a blistering response from the Russian president. With perfect fairness, and with the approval - in this case - of most of humanity, Putin could have torn Cheney's speech apart on a whole range of issues.
These include the hypocrisy of denouncing Russia over democracy and going straight on to lavish praise on the oil- rich dictators of Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan; the general weirdness of Cheney talking about human rights at all; theinsolence of an administration with the Bush-Cheney team's record in the Middle East daring to demand automatic Russian support against Iran in the name of "the international community," and so on.
If Putin had issued such a response in his state of the union address on Wednesday, he would have had the approval of the overwhelming majority of Russians - while of course doing still further damage to U.S.-Russian relations.
It is hard to imagine a U.S. president turning down a domestic political opportunity like this, whatever the likely effect on his country's interests. But apart from a couple of mild and indirect comments, Putin said none of these things. Instead, he focused on the issue that is indeed the greatest threat to the Russian nation, namely demographic decline.
Putin's calm response to Cheney may be rooted partly in a new confidence in Russia's strength, especially when it comes to influence within the former Soviet Union. One of the marks of Putin's statesmanship is that with some exceptions (mainly with regard to Ukraine, about which Russians tend to be irrational) he has displayed an accurate feel for Russia's real strengths and weaknesses.
To give one example, Putin last year withdrew the remaining Russian military bases from Georgia proper, where they were provocative and vulnerable, while continuing the Russian military presence in the breakaway Georgian regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, where it enjoys overwhelming local support.
On critical issues like the Iraq war and Iran's nuclear program, Putin has tried to resist U.S. pressure while keeping Russia in line with China and whenever possible Western Europe as well.
This is statesmanship - cynical maybe, but still statesmanship.
The Bush-Cheney administration, by contrast, has a record of grossly over-estimating American power. To judge by Cheney's speech in Vilnius, it may be repeating the same disastrous mistake with regard to U.S. policy towards Russia and in the former Soviet Union.
For if Washington's chief goal is to destroy Russian influence in this region and replace it with that of the United States, it needs to remember that whatever its weakness on the world stage, in its own backyard Russia has some tremendous latent strengths.
If, on the other hand, the more important factor behind Cheney's attack was Russia's role in the U.S. struggle with Iran, then his attack on Russia in Vilnius raises two possibilities - one of them depressing, the other disastrous.
The first is that Cheney and other leading U.S. officials genuinely believe that the United States can gain support for its policies by abusing and threatening other major states.
If so, this reflects not only a Neanderthal approach to diplomacy, but a failure to grasp the damage to American power from the Iraq debacle, and the increased strength and confidence of Russia, China and other countries.
The other possibility is that Cheney is no more interested in a negotiated compromise with Iran than he was with a deal to prevent the Iraq war; and that by driving Russia into Iran's arms, he hopes to wreck any possibility of such a compromise and leave military action against Iran as the only apparent U.S. option.
If this is so, then given the potentially catastrophic implications of a U.S. attack on Iran, not only Russians but the world in general should be grateful for the statesmanship of Putin's response, and should hope that this Russian line continues.
(Anatol Lieven is a senior research fellow at the New America Foundation in Washington. His book "Ethical Realism and American Foreign Policy," cowritten with John Hulsman, will be published in October.)
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Sep 1, 1995
Mark B. Cohen(Philadelphia,PA USA)
An Angry Call For Radical Reforms To Shake Up Washington, May 28, 2007The author Kevin Phillips is an exemplary example of a frequent Washington type: the former insider turned angry, prophetic outsider. Trained as an attorney, experienced as a a Republican Congressional aide at the modern lowpoint of Republican strength in Washington, acclaimed as a key strategist in Richard Nixon's 1968 Presidential comeback, the author has long been given to gathering masses of data and reaching bold new conclusions with a stunning certainty that is only partially vindicated by subsequent events.
The author's top six suggested governmental reforms are "(1) dispersing the capital and having Congress meet in another city for part of the year; (2) allowing congressmen and senators to vote from their home states and districts; (3) establishing a mechanism for national referendums; (4)concentrating a major attack on the hired-gun culture in Washington; (5) reining in abusive finance and its political influence by regulating electronic speculation, curtailing the nonaccountability of the Federal Reserve Board and establishing a federal financial transactions tax; and (6) fudning deficit-reduction largely by taxing its obvious beneficiaries."
The author's top ten broad proposals are "(1) Decentralizing or dispersing power away from Washington; (2) Modifying the U.S. Constitution's excessive separation of powers between the legislative and executive branches; (3) Shifting U.S. representative government more toward direct democracy and opening up the outdated two-party system; (4) Curbing the Washington role of lobbies, interest groups, and interest peddlers; (5) Diminishing the excessive role of lawyers, legalism, and litigation; (6) Remobilizing national, state, and local governments through updated boundaries and a new federal fiscal framwork; (7) Regulating speculative finance and reducing the poltical influence of Wall Street;(8) Confronting the power of multinational corporations and minimizing the effects of globalization on the average American; (9) Reversing the trend toward greater concentration of wealth and making the tax system fairer and more productive; (10) Bringing national and international debt under control."
To get to these and numerous other reforms and secondary goals, the author gives us a sweeping tour of what ails America, full of a unique collection of facts ( for instance, the decade by decade growth of governmental employment and population in the Washington metropolitan area), world historical parallels (comparing the broad trends of American economic history with that of Holland, Great Britain, Spain, and other countries), and American historical parallels (declaring frustration that as our country ages there is not the sweeping change with new administrations that there was with the administrations of Thomas Jefferson and Andrew Jackson.)
The author tends to see Washington interest groups as part of a kind of vast conspiracy, focusing on its own interests at the expense of the public interests. He gives short shrift to the reality that many of the interest groups are in constant competition with each other for scarce resources: governmental funds in an era of tax cuts, favorable regulations in an era suspicious of any regulations, and the time and favor of relevant governmental decision-makers.
The author focuses a disproportionate amount of attention of the U.S. House of Representatives, as the body most susceptible to governmental reform. Yet, in this, the author ignores the fact that the overwhelming majority of lawyers and lobbyists are focused on the executive branch, which his gneral collection of reforms tends to ignore or downplay.
The author believes that the U.S. is at a crisis point, and he advocates this with a mixture of public opinion poll data, quotes from angry, longshot Presidential candidates, Washington think tanks, and historical parallels with other countries, especially English-speaking countries. But this wide-ranging collection of information, impressions, and attitudes tends to dilute the case he is making as well as strengthen it. If hostility to government among the populace is, in fact, a worldwide democratic phenomenon, then it is somewhat contradictory to argue that the unique governmental system of the United States is responsible for it.
The author believes America is a country past its peak, a country entering a profound stage of economic decline. Internationalism is not a series of policies designed to benefit the average American, the author warns, but rather a series of policies aimed to benefit a small wealthy slice of the public at the expense of the rest of the public. Public policy's goal should not be to promote internationalism, but to curb its negative effects on the average American, the author says.
Reading the author is always an eye-opening, thought provoking experience. He does not generate his own research, but is a broad and creative user of an incredible array of secondary sources--from Karl Marx to Ross Perot to leaders of Washington think-tanks to newspapers to histories of the U.S. and other countries. He is a peerless summarizer and polemicist whose contstant search for broad themes gives life and purpose to what otherwise might be a quicksand of statistics and studies.
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A CustomerA Comprehensive Discussion of Power Elite in the U.S.,
February 25, 1999 This is one of the most detailed and accurate accounts of the power elite model in American politics. Domhoff shows his command of this material by his use of detailed analysis and careful consideration of possible opposing arguments (i.e. pluralist). He systematically proves that there is an elite group of people in this country that, in order to fit their agenda, can dictate government action.
He destroys the idea that public opinion has anything to do with political maneuvering, by proving that it is those who have the money who control primaries, elections, and entire administrations.
His manifestation of the working man's personal inadequacy myth, due to the individualistic American ideal, makes this book a must read. Domhoff really makes us wonder how feasible the "Amercian Dream" really is.
Luc REYNAERT (Beernem, Belgium)
A ruling oligarchy, July 22, 2004
There is a minor shift in this new version of G. William Domhoff's magisterial analysis of the US power system.
He adds 'top-level managers' to the power elite, which is composed of the owners of large income-producing properties. He adds also one more question to the three ones quoted in his former book: who shines?
Those income-producing properties are, on the national level, big corporations, banks and agribusinesses and, locally, real estate, construction and land development companies.
The owners and top-level managers constitute at best 1 % of the US population and have an enormous share of all income and wealth in the US.
G. William Domhoff shows clinically how they defend their interests through a small cluster of people and institutions ( a social upper class, a corporate community and a policy-formation network). Individual members (the oligarchy) of the upper class and the corporate community are involved in the policy-formation network. See, as an example, the members of the president G.W. Bush government.
The power elite dominates the two major political parties and the federal government through a coalition of Republicans and rightist Southern Democrats.
Concerning the general public, G. Wiliam Domhoff remarks that it has little or no influence except in times of unpopular wars or domestic social upheavals. He sees no change in the actual situation and predicts that the corporate-conservative coalition is most likely to prevail for a long time.
G. William Domhoff's arguments are extremely powerful. Therefore, this book is an essential read for the comprehension of the political/economical functioning of the US power system.
A Customer, April 28, 1999
Domhoff presents a theory with evidence of a power-elite model of the American political-socioeconomic condition. His remarkable gifts in rhetoric and writing skills make this book an easy and convincing read while offering a wealth of information on many hard-to-follow ideas and subjects. Domhoff's organization and selection of titles and subtitles of sections in the book make for an interesting and coherent view of the power-elite model. Going into the book there was an expectation of a controversial and even radical theory, however, most of Domhoff's claims, in one form or another, were theories that are ingrained into modern culture- at least in America where skepticism and a steady decline of trust in big business and government constructs many views and theories that are en vogue at this time. It seems that class dominance is the main issue Domhoff drives, and though he does in several instances support this claim, many times Domhoff weakens his argument by offering evidence and support for an interest-group pluralist model that seemingly negates the mold of power elite and class dominance.He mentions labor policy in the 1930s and the social movement of the 1960s; both of which go against a class-dominance theory. He does admit that these are rare cases in society and the exception not the rule. More questionable is his mention of the power of the social legislature of the progressive era, claiming this doesn't challenge a class-dominance view. His explanation for why this doesn't challenge a class is summed in two lines-compared to the numerous paragraphs contributed to the fact that the power existed outside of class-and lacks detail and conviction. Domhoff further weakens his argument at times by offering questionable and sometimes faulty causal reasoning. His argument for Presidential influence over public opinion revolves around an example from LBJ's time in the white house.
Domhoff claims that early in 1968 people approved bombing of Vietnam, but by April the public shifted its opinion because the President had shifted his. The important elements Domhoff misses are that the Tet Offensive, escalation of troops sent to Vietnam and the Mai Lai massacre all took place during this time.
The public's opinion was influenced by the violence they watched on TV every night more than by a government official who the public was beginning to not trust. Nevertheless, Domhoff does present a great source for fleshing out and reevaluating personal beliefs in a corporate or elite rule in America, and surprisingly enough doesn't strike a chord of fear or hopelessness for the future of America.
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J.L. Populist (WI,USA)In this large book Kevin Phillips takes the reader on a lesson of economics and politics. Much of the history in WEALTH AND DEMOCRACY is of the American variety. He does, however, examine Spain, Holland,and Britain and the commonality these past governments have with the current American political and economic scene. The biggest common thread is the shrinking of the middle class a/k/a stratification of wealth.
One of Mr. Phillips observations is that in the 1990s transnational corporations posted record earnings while hiring few Americans. Sometimes slashing employment to boost the bottom line.
Along that line he quotes Peter Cepelli, a professor at Wharton School of Business- "Today, a CEO would be embarrassed to admit he sacrificed profits to protect employees or a community."He also describes the shifting of the tax burden from corporations to low and middle income individuals through FICA taxes.
His quote on page 242 sums up American politics of the 1890s- "For two or three decades, then, democracy was corrupted at its constitutional core. Control of the Senate secured not just that chamber but the federal courts, the U.S.Supreme Court, and the U.S. Army to the service of American industry and finance."
He demonstrates in this book that wealth has been a factor in the politics of the United States from the very start. Finance (banking) has had it's proponents like Hamilton and some presidents through time while it has also had it's opponents; most notably Thomas Jefferson and Andrew Jackson.
The author takes a look at the worth of some former Cabinet members, Warren Harding's especially, although he wasn't the only president to tap the wealthy for his service.
Another interesting point that Mr. Phillips makes is that globalization can be, and has been in the past, reversed.
One of the curious inclusions in this book is found on page 71. It's an excerpt of a letter from FDR to Col. Edmund Mandell House. (House is a rather controversial, mysterious figure in American political history and the subject of conspiracy theories. He was a close adviser to Woodrow Wilson during his presidency). "The real truth... is, as you and I know, that a financial element in the larger centers has owned the government ever since the days of Andrew Jackson- and I am not wholly excepting the Administration of W.W. The country is going through a repetition of Jackson's fight with the Bank of the United Sates- only on a bigger and broader basis."
The author also quotes such figures as John Kenneth Galbraith and Thorstein Veblen
The moral of WEALTH AND DEMOCRACY as I take it, is that our economic ills now are nothing more than a recurring pattern that has been experienced by various powerful governments in their heydays. Part of the problem is hubris or the belief that it can't happen again.
This is a large book and some sections are laborious to read, but the message of the book is comprehensible and detailed very well. It may just be the most detailed book on the subject of wealth and it's adverse affect on government, especially a democratic form of government.Golden Lion "Reader" (North Ogden, Ut United States)
The Game!, May 13, 2006
The middle class is not democratizing economically or politically. The middle class is not taking control of its money and instead the middle is rapidly transferring money from its savings into the massive market profits for the super rich. The middle class should immediately abandon any transfers from savings into the stock market and preserve their wealth, but instead they will be lured into hedge funds and mutual markets speculating that someday they will be super rich.
Richard Goodwin says, "money establishes priorities, holds down federal revenues, revises federal legislation, shifts income from the middle class to the super rich." "Money restrains the enforcement of laws written to protect the country from abuse of wealth-laws that mandate environmental protection, anti-trust, laws to protect the consumer against fraud, laws that safeguard the securities market...and more." Money in Babylon has become all powerful, while reform has dawdled. Politics has capitulated to the Market barons. For example, lobby investment dollars can turn a 100,000% return. Manufacturers craft industry-specific subsidies, insert tax breaks into code, extend patients or give away public property for free. The Timber industry spent $8 million in campaign contribution to preserve the logged road subsidy worth $458 million. Glaxo Wellcome spent $1.2 million to get a 19th month extension on Zantec worth $1 billions. The tobacco industry spent $30 million in tax contribution for tax breaks totaling $50 billion.
Historically, conspicuous consumption became a pillar of statecraft in Venice. Licentiousness stimulated art demand increasing competition for nude paintings. The market attacked and destroying all moral codes inhibiting content in the market and lead to opulence, extravagance, and vice. "The world we inhabit today, with its ruthless competitiveness, fierce consumerism, restless desire for ever wider horizons, discovery, and innovation...is a world which was made in the Renaissance." Renaissance emerged as Materialism philosophy reigned supreme; objective argument provided the ideology within the corrupting gatherings of individuals. American Renaissance and industrialism embraced Darwinism. Darwinism represented the longest-lasting philosophic shield held up by the American Wealth Accumulators: Andrew Carnegie, John D. Rockerfeller, Chauncey Depew, and James J. Hill. The trinity materialistic God equaled Darwinism, conspicuous consumption, and self interest. The Renaissance lionized the idols of consumption, the top artist and purveyors of luxury goods: Bottielli, Titan, Michelangelo, and Leonardo da Vinci. Monetarist, Milton Friedman said, "Greed was the basis to society" and wanted a system "setup an arrangement under which greed will do the least harm. Capitalism is that kind of system."
Chicago University indoctrinated students with doctrines of big business. Public choice argued American law was a system of commands, prohibitions, and rules often contradicting and countermanding, the "natural logic" of the markets. The cleansing of the law of interferences like government regulation worked to facilitate the freedom of the markets. Disillusionment strengthened and market utopia was a idealism not a reality. Consumption drove debt burdens. Debt burdens peaked in the 1920s, 1960s, 1980s, and 1990s. Debt is the double edged sword that threatens the wealth accumulation of the super rich. The super rich flee markets heavy in debt at a certain point of no return. "Speculative excesses supported by the tendencies of elites spin illusions for themselves and the less-sophisticated public about the new capacities of government and private sector management. Manias require convincing siren songs: insisting that things really are different this time, financially as well as technologically." Debt has transformed the two headed eagle into on head. The fed and the treasury, in a sense have become joint, proactive managers of the multi-trillion dollar "USA fund". Markets economies might be claim, but globalizing U.S government economic management has become the game.
The speculative bubble of 2000-2001 experienced real damage in early 2000s as the recession hit manufacturing and deepened the damage with a crisis in several technology industries, and spread widely into the service industry. The share of U.S manufacturing assets in foreign hands jumped 3% in 1970, 8% in 1980, 19% in 1990 and foreign ownership surged from $270 billion in 1997 to $497 billion in 2000. US companies traded hands with foreign owners: Dresdner Bank purchased Wasserstein Peralla; Sumitomo owned 15% of Goldman Sachs; ING owned Actna Financial Services; Zurich Financial took S Investments, Credit Suisse bought First Boston; and UBS Warburg purchased Paine Webber.
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William Hare (see more about me) from Fort Lauderdale, Florida United StatesSuperb Reporting from a Unique Patriot, May 26, 2002Garrett Aja (see more about me) from Las Vegas, Nevada United States
Greg Palast is a superb reporter with the courage and instincts to open many doors that were hermetically sealed, uncovering answers that interested citizens should welcome in the manner of unearthing hidden treasures. As Vincent Bugliosi wrote concerning Palast, "Astonishing -- gets the real evidence no one else has the guts to dig up." Jim Hightower notes with awe, "The type of investigative reporter you don't see anymore --a cross between Sam Spade and Sherlock Holmes."
Mesmerized readers learn early that it is incomprehensible to speed read or partially digest Palast's reportorial classic, "The Best Democracy Money Can Buy." The danger is that the very information glossed over could prove to be the most significant of the book as Palast piles facts upon facts, providing the kind of illuminating insights into the real workings of American and global governments available only through reading alternative journalistic sources. As Palast points out, the major media is interlocked with the corporate establishment. As a result a "don't rock the boat" mentality prevails.
Palast begins rocking the boat with a brilliant opening chapter in which he nails Governor Jeb Bush of Florida and his Secretary of State Catherine Harris for blatant violations of the 1965 Voting Rights Act. As a BBC correspondent Palast personally confronted Florida's Director of Elections, Clayton Roberts, with his smoking gun, a list verifying that no cross checking was done on the basis of raw data commissioned by Bush and Harris with the ostensible purpose of preventing felons from voting in the 2000 election. Despite having paid for a cross check, which would have reduced a list of almost sixty thousand voters made ineligible to a mere fraction, Bush and Harris chose to accept the raw data list, which was preliminary and failed to even verify that names on it correlated with affected citizens in Florida. When Roberts was confronted with the smoking gun by Palast he ended the interview, darted into his office, and bolted the door shut. It was all captured on camera, which Palast invites interested citizens to view on the Internet.
Having unmasked the Florida vote theft and subsequent triumph of an unelected president in the first chapter, one wonders where Palast can possibly go from there. He does not disappoint, taking dead aim on the World Trade Organization and its Siamese twin, the World Bank. Palast points out why President Bush is so insistent on obtaining "fast track" authority regarding agreements not subject to amendment by Congress, which conflicts with the U.S. Constitution. Fast track authority is needed since the WTO's authority overrides that of national legislatures. Palast reveals how the WTO in concert with the World Bank left nations such as Russia, Brazil and Argentina destitute in the wake of ponderous obligations, which through the ripple effect resulted in crushing poverty and unemployment. He also details the provision of WTO in which nations with less pollution, such as Russia in the post-Communist era with sharply diminished factory production, can provide points to a nation such as the U.S., which then has purchased rights for the corporate establishment to produce more gases and toxic fumes for its citizens to breathe.
Palast, a one time student of Dr. Milton Friedman at Chicago University, exposes the charlatan economics of a man who, in the midst of taking credit for economic success in Chile, produced cataclysmic disaster. He exposes British Prime Minister Tony Blair as "the toy boy of globalization" and looks into the charlatan economic endeavors of Pat Robertson.
Greg Palast is one of America's great patriots, someone who looks after the rights of citizens who are being trampled upon by the Bushie march into the New World Order, which he notes has a decided Orwellian 1984 character. Palast is one of the patriotic contingent of the information super highway exposing the corruption of the powers that be, along with others such as Mike Ruppert of the "From the Wilderness" website and Michael Moore.
These courageous Americans dare to speak out! May their tribe increase!
An eye-opening read, June 5, 2003
A reader from Chicago, Illinois United StatesWhile I've spent my (fairly short) adult life being critical of the government and most everything else, the 2000 presidential elections were probably the last straw. However, I thought that Florida was a relatively crude and small-time operation.
Boy, was I wrong.
Greg Palast's book begins with a detailed account of his investigations into the controversial vote in Florida (the whopping majority of which has been widely available only to the people of Britain), where it becomes quickly obvious that Florida was far worse than any US citizen was aware of. The following chapters discuss globalization, the California energy crisis, the American press, Wal-Mart, and other targets with the same level of disdain-all of which are backed up with loads of evidence.
Of course, the Republicans receive most of the blows in this book....but only because they're in control of the White House and Congress at the moment. If you've got a fairly open mind, this book which open your eyes. If not, feel free to keep the wool firmly over your eyes (just as the people described in this book would like).
Republicans, Democrats, everyone else should read this book, May 5, 2003
Read this book as a civic duty. Even if you don't want to know, you need to know how utterly corrupt our government, corporations and media are.
Greg Palast is the muckraker of our times, and he's virtually exiled from America because no one will print his work. PBS won't even show the documentary illustrating how the voter rolls in Florida were tampered with before the 2000 election.
Don't dismiss Palast for being partisan in the sense of Republicans and Democrats; he dishes the dirt on the Clintons and Gore, as well as Bushes Jr. and Sr. and Tony Blair. He is, however, biased towards social justice. If you are more concerned with corporate profits than corporate responsibility, you will find this book to be rather obnoxious.
Greg Palast was at a book signing in Chicago on May 4, which this reviewer attended. He said that the centralized Florida voter database is being held up as a model for every other state to follow. Republicans take heed: Palast pretty much said that Democrats in Democratic-controlled states were just as happy to have the opportunity to monkey with their voter rolls, as Republicans are. Meanwhile we are switching to ballotless voting booths and doing away with exit polls, with no way of knowing if our votes were counted as we cast them. Draw your own conclusions folks - how long before our vaunted democracy becomes another banana republic?
Timothy Scanlon (see more about me) from Hyattsville, MD United States
Douglas Doepke (see more about me) from Claremont, CA United StatesFew stones left unturned, April 30, 2003
All right, I'll admit it. My attitudes about various things, corporations, the World Bank, and countless other items, change as do my experience with them. But this fine text brought me back to the planet earth.
And to get the criticism out of the way, yes, there were a few editing errors. Like another reviewer or two, I noticed that (have, unfortunately, reduced my evaluation by one star.) But I don't make it as big a deal as some others. Get over it, and keep on reading.
Palast starts the book with an appropriate blast at our first unelected president. I saw a film on the same subject and to that and this book I have the same comment: "Racism" is a word that's so overused that it's lost its original effect. Doubtless those who manipulated the records to keep thousands of Democrats from practicing their right to vote were conscious of race. But it gets boring to claim they did it because of their unadulterated racism. I think they did what they did out of convenience: They knew that those they targeted for elimination were almost all Democrat, as are the bulk of the black and Latino population. Well, I don't want to dwell on that, and I understand Palast's point, but the bottom line is that the election was a sham. (I blush that we Yanks claim to be such a thriving democracy and now, thanks to the GOP, the rest of the world sees us as a joke.)
A good deal of the focus of the book is a subject on which I've expressed bitterness for decades: the media. Even in the electoral sham, Palast starts that such foolishness wasn't even reported in the US press, but was exposed in his journal which is British. Other items, such as the sell out of much of the world's poor by the World Bank and related organizations not only frequently occur but are NOT covered by the good old boys of American journalism. Indeed, it is from this book that I learned a lot, for instance of the police slaughter of demonstrators in Bolivia, or of the half a million or so who marched in favor of the president of Argentina. (The US press only covered the less that half of that number who marched against him.) Then there was the Exxon-Valdez sinking. I'd bought into the fairy tale that the ship's captain was drunk and ran the vessel aground. Palast educated me by showing that the corporation had conspired against all kinds of regulations and THAT'S why the ship eventually sank. The rest was typical PR generated to make the serfs look responsible.
Palast is not just a Yank basher. In fact, he's is far more critical of British libel law. At least in this country we can express something without fear of criminal penalty from the government itself. In Britain, they're not so lucky. (And, with respect to Britain, Palast exposes the, shall I say "mercenary"--with that I'm being a real gentleman--nature of Tony Blair's government. I'm not saying we Yanks are better, but if I found my representatives being so blatantly corrupt, I'd send them to prison!)
There's a great essay on Pinochet's Chile, notably that, contrary to what we hear all the time, Pinochet's "economic miracle" was a travesty (AND a slaughter) while the "liberal" policy is the only thing that worked for that country, and for the others he discussed. And the corporate collaboration with those who overthrew Allende is truly criminal.
And, again, of course, the US press didn't cover that. They're too busy passing on the PR copy of the "corporate relations" offices.
Even Pat Robertson gets exposed by this book in a way that should make us all pause and reconsider everything about that "religious" figure.
There's so much more I could say but I don?t want to give away everything on this book.
If you want to read how this country really runs, I cannot recommend this volume strongly enough. It gets depressing, and many heard me let out shouts of anger as I learned more and more. But the end implores the reader to DO something. There's any number of web pages to refer to from which to learn more. And I'm still not sure what I'll do. But it's time to do something, again.
Ugly Mosaic, April 26, 2003Will Podmore (see more about me) from London United Kingdom
Our government is corrupt. Most Americans know that, but don't like pondering the consequences. The brazeness of the Bush gang, however, makes our national avoidance hard to sustain. Now the rot extends to national elections, rigging the very heart of a beleagured democracy and its claims to legitimacy. Palast details the shenanigans in meticulous fashion that no candid person can deny. Should this palace coup surprise us? Of course not. There's big money at stake in rolling back 70-odd years of progressive reforms aimed at making capitalism livable -- after all, one man's clean water is another man's business expense. Now the wraps are off. No more Let's Compromise. No more labor movement to challenge the big money steamroller as it plows across the globe, buying off a legislature here or a Blair administration there. All is dragged into the same slime pit of corporate-IMF rule. The author presents a series of revealing snapshots, but the reader must fill in the picture. It's an ugly one, but, national denial or not, it is the unrelenting reality we all face. Hang in there, Mr. Palast.
Brilliant attacks on capitalist 'ethics', April 22, 2003
The brilliant investigative journalist Greg Palast was the first to detail how Florida's Governor Jeb Bush stole the Presidential election for his brother George.
He investigates the truth behind Blairite rhetoric about the inevitability of globalisation. The IMF made Tanzania charge for hospital appointments, cutting patient numbers by 53%, and charge school fees, cutting enrolment by 14%. GDP fell from $309 to $210 a head; those in abject poverty rose to 51% of the population. In Chile in 1973 unemployment was 4.3%; after ten years of Pinochet and wage cuts of 40% it was 22%.
Between 1960 and 1980, when the welfare state was still the model, income per head rose by 73% in Latin America and by 34% in Africa; people lived another ten years longer. Since 1980, under the Thatcher-Reagan model, income per head in Latin America has risen by only 6%, and fell by 23% in Africa; life expectancy has fallen - which the Financial Times' monetarist Sam Brittan intelligently attributed to 'bad luck'.
The European Community's secret memo 'Domestic Regulation: Necessity and Transparency' abandons the 'sovereign right of government to regulate services' that Trade Minister Richard Caborn promised MPs that the General Agreement on Trade in Services would observe. This won't just apply to what we think of as services, given that the US Government succeeded in defining bananas as services!
Between 1983 and 1997, 85% of the increase in US wealth went to just 1% of the population; productivity rose by 17%, real wages fell by 3%.
Blair is in the US's pocket. Who gained from his deals? GTech of New Jersey, Entergy of Little Rock, Reliant of Houston, Monsanto of St Louis, Wal-Mart of Arkansas, Wackenhut (the prison company) of Florida, Columbia Health Care, Bechtel of San Francisco, Enron of Houston. Palast writes, "In his heart, Tony Blair hates Britain." In his what?
If you know anyone who still doubts that capitalism and Labour are corrupt, get them this book. It provides all the evidence for indicting this government - but when are we going to act on it?
Law, Pragmatism, and Democracy
No Place for Amateurs How Political Consultants Are Reshaping American Democracy
"[T]he race for office has become a race for money"
Ain large part because of political consultants, says Johnson. He should know: he's a former top political consultant and now associate dean of George Washington University's Graduate School of Political Management. Johnson offers an insider's view of what political consultants do and what the repercussions are for the American democratic system.
The consultant's role during a campaign is to leave as little as possible to chance. Consultants...
An inside look, November 12, 2001
Reviewer: Jeffrey Ellis (see more about me) from Richardson, Texas United States As of late, political consultants have become convenient boogeymen. It seems whenever the American people decide they'd rather be apathetic than devote a few minutes out of their day to voting or whenever a politician is caught breaking the law, it somehow turns out to be the ultimate fault of political consultants. And so, every few months or so, we get a lot of people demanding a lot of new laws and vague terms like "campaign finance" get tossed around by commentators who obviously haven't got a clue as to what they're actually talking about. Yet somehow, nobody ever seems to really bother with, say, investigating what campaign consultants actually do. Luckily, veteran consultant Dennis W. Johnson has written "No Place For Amateurs," an inside look at campaign consultants that manges to avoid the anti-consultant hysteria of most recent insider books while at the same time never embracing the shallow arrogance of the "how-to" books of consultants like Dick Morris (who is featured in the opening chapters of Johnson's books and -- no great shock -- comes across as an egotistical cad). Chapter-by-chapter, Johnson explains, in detail, what pollsters, direct mail consultants, and advertising gurus actually do. He also explains how political consultants came to be so powerful in American politics and shows that the situation isn't quite as bad as we might think. At the same time, Johnson doesn't allow himself to be a shill for his fellow consultants. He does highlight some trouble spots and the reforms he suggests manage to be both effective and fair without resorting to the hysterical fearmongering of so many other reformers. As well, Johnson's book is also full of several entertaining anecdotes from previous campaigns and it should be a lot of fun for people with a taste for political trivia.
Fascinating inside look at modern political machinery, July 26, 2001
Reviewer: Richard Turner (see more about me) from Washington, DC United States This is a great read - especially for news and politics junkies. Johnson writes with authority, candor and humor about real people involved with real campaigns and facing real ethical issues. Not only does the book describe the tools and techniques of modern campaigns, but it provides real insight into their strengths and weaknesses when used in varying situations.
I have to admit, though, the best part of the book is the anecdotes. You get a sense of the decision making speed required in the chaos that surrounds candidates and staffs. In fact, you may actually gain some sympathy for the people who choose (or are driven) to enter the political arena.
If you liked The War Room or Primary Colors, you'll love this book.
Who Will Tell The People The Betrayal Of American Democracy
Are We Close to Losing Our Democracy to Corporate Interests?, September 4, 2000
Reviewer: Eric H. Roth (see more about me) from Venice, CA USA Written in the era of Ross Perot and Jerry Brown and focused on the Savings and Loan scandal that cost taxpayers at least $200 Billion dollars, this insightful book identifies many factors behind the growing power of transnational corporations to set the national agenda. Villains include an expanding executive branch, the collusion of both major parties with Wall Street interests, the increasing use of technical jargon in the halls of power, and a press that seems more focused on selling celebrities than examining policies.
Greider's prophetic book, written in 1992, anticipates how NAFTA, GATT, and the most favored trade status with China all passed - could be pushed through by a Democratic president (Clinton) and a Republican Congress in a bipartisan effort. Polls, by the way, showed the vast majority of Americans oppossed to all three pieces of legislation. A populist political critic, Greider suspects what is good for Wall Street might not be good for Main Street. (Of course, many people living on Main Street owe some stock too.)
I first read this book in 1992, and wondered if Greider was exaggerating to make more compelling copy. Re-reading parts today and knowing the disaster caused by NAFTA, Greider emerges as one of the few political analysts aware of the signifance of trade to Wall Street and the negative influence on corporate money on both parties.
"We're perilously close to not having a democracy," warms Greider, noting that while many elements are involved in disenfranchising the American public, none are buried secrets and all are familiar features. Campaign finance reform, of course, remains the preferred euphemism for legalized bribery used to win Congressional votes and manipulate regulatory decisions. Incumbents like the system (shock, shock) and reformers seem to lose in primaries (McCain, Bradley.) Greider makes a few commonsense suggestions: more press coverage of how government actually works, campaign finance reform, and elections on the weekends.
Unfortunately, this witty tirade, written with outrage and fury, seems more relevant today than ever. Both moderate Republicans and conservative Democrats support unrestricted trade leaving true outsiders like Nader and Buchanan to articulate the fair trade argument. Greider suggests that the possibilities for renewing American democracy are dwindling -despite technological advances that could revitalize citizen activism.
A fascinating, sobering book for the 2000 election season.
Penetrating Analysis Of Federal Political Corruption!, June 24, 2000
Reviewer: Barron Laycock (Labradorman) (see more about me) from Temple, New Hampshire
Ah, once more into the breach, dear friends. Like Shakespeare's goode King, Rolling Stone editor and contributor William Greider is once more up in arms, and in this powerful and provocative book takes thoughtful aim against the bloodied and crippled state of the contemporary American polity. Greider convincingly details the many ways in which the democratic process has been compromised, corrupted and co-opted by the powerful economic influences of corporate America. In doing so, he focuses on the actual process of how the federal government works, and illustrates in shocking fashion with a number of specific anecdotes the degree to which the political system has been bought off by transnational corporations and the media.
The author's list of un-indicted co-conspirators is long and illustrious; transnational corporations, the electronic media, the political parties, so-called interest groups like the NRA and the Milk Lobby, and an occasional populist group, all trying to foist their narrowly focused interests into self-serving legislation and regulation against the much broader interest and liberties of the citizenry at large. The fact that they consistenly succeed to our detriment is powerful testimony as to the accuracy of this analysis. The author reserves special vile for the activities of the two political parties, who he contends are more aptly described as the power-drunk fraternal twin children of the wealthy power elite than they are a responsive and representative force out to accomplish the messy business of democratic governance. Acting in the elite's perceived social, economic, and political interests, the federal government manages the tax structure, social benefits, and economic policies in ways that ensure the rich and powerful gain further advantage at the cost of the rest of the populace.
Yet Greider sees a unique opportunity in the brave new world of post-cold war conditions to right the existing wrongs of the present situation. Through a re-energized populist political movement, he argues, the people could seize control of the process and demonstrate the continuing power of the citizenry to manage and control their collective destinies. By such practical means as organizing boycotts of errant transnational corporations to bring them into line in order to continue benefiting in our domestic marketplace (the largest single economy in the world), the people could bargain by using the power of their purse strings.
As much as I like Greider and enjoy his critical skills and analysis, even I have to admit that such a social revolution is an unlikely event; anyone aware of the degree to which our citizenry are politically apathetic, and who recognizes that the only energy an average middle class American expends is usually associated with an self-absorbed pursuit of video games and backyard barbecues, also realizes that they are unlikely to be the nucleus of any kind of meaningful social revolution. Viewed in such circumspect terms, it is hard to picture the citizens of contemporary society gaining anything like that sort of enlightened self-awareness or concerted political action in the near future. Yet despite his unrealistic hopes for such an unlikely change in the present arrangements, this is a good book, and has a worthwhile and penetrating analysis that quite specifically blueprints the nature of the corruption and co-option of the federal government by the transnational corporations. I enjoyed reading it, and plan to read sections of it again because of its powerful analysis. Enjoy.
The Zinn Reader Writings on Disobedience and Democracy
World on Fire- How Exporting Free Market Democracy Breeds Ethnic Hatred and Global Instability
From Publishers Weekly
A professor at Yale Law School, Chua eloquently fuses expert analysis with personal recollections to assert that globalization has created a volatile concoction of free markets and democracy that has incited economic devastation, ethnic hatred and genocidal violence throughout the developing world. Chua illustrates the disastrous consequences arising when an accumulation of wealth by "market dominant minorities" combines with an increase of political power by a disenfranchised majority. Chua refutes the "powerful assumption that markets and democracy go hand in hand" by citing specific examples of the turbulent conditions within countries such as Indonesia, Russia, Sierra Leone, Bolivia and in the Middle East. In Indonesia, Chua contends, market liberalization policies favoring wealthy Chinese elites instigated a vicious wave of anti-Chinese violence from the suppressed indigenous majority. Chua describes how "terrified Chinese shop owners huddled behind locked doors while screaming Muslim mobs smashed windows, looted shops and gang-raped over 150 women, almost all of them ethnic Chinese." Chua blames the West for promoting a version of capitalism and democracy that Westerners have never adopted themselves. Western capitalism wisely implemented redistributive mechanisms to offset potential ethnic hostilities, a practice that has not accompanied the political and economic transitions in the developing world. As a result, Chua explains, we will continue to witness violence and bloodshed within the developing nations struggling to adopt the free markets and democratic policies exported by the West. (On sale Dec. 24)
Copyright 2002 Reed Business Information, Inc.From Library Journal
Globalization is not good for developing countries, insists Yale law professor Chua. It aggravates ethnic tensions by creating a small but abundantly wealthy new class and it's stimulating a new wave of anti-Americanism.Excellent book!, February 10, 2003
Reviewer: A reader from LA, CA USA Through this book Amy Chua has taught me so much about the failure of free market and democracy in much of the Third World. This is an excellent book that adds to, rather than contradicts, the conventional U.S. theory about exporting our system to the rest of the world.
I would point out a couple of shortcomings of the book for other readers.
(1) The cultural, political and economic legacy (not to mention the brutality) of European colonialism is inadequately analyzed. The fact that the Chinese and Lebanese have become so successful in many parts of the world owes a great deal to the historical circumstance in which these immigrant minorities collaborated with and profited from the oppressive colonial regimes.
(2) The comparison between Jewish people and the overseas Chinese is rather superficial. In addition to the collaborationist colonial role they played, the Chinese differ from the Jews in that the former, perhaps out of their sense of culutral/racial superiority, refuse to regard their "indigenous" countrymen as equal. Only when assimilated successfully by the indigenous government, the Chinese seem to accept the fact that they are a part of their adopted country.
Unconventional Wisdom, Strong Chinese Element, May 29, 2003
Reviewer: Robert D. Steele (see more about me) from Oakton, VA United States
This book is a solid five stars in part because the author ably bring forward a well-documented (solid notes, good index) case for suggesting that both Western democracy and unbridaled (that is to say, uncontrolled) capitalism, are not only harmful to lesser developed countries, but also ultimately, through their creation of instability and the export of terrorism, harmful to the very proponents of unbridled democracy and capitalism.She is on strong ground. Robert Kaplan has written many books examining failed states and lower tier nations and come to the same conclusion with respect to democracy, while George Soros has published "The Crisis of Global Capitalism." More subtly, Thomas Stewart, in "The Wealth of Knowledge", slams much of what passes for effective industrial and corporate organization as archaic and inappropriate to the new environment.
What I found most intersting, having spent much of my life in Asia and Latin America, and been close to some Chinese elements in Singapore, was that much of the author's case is based on Chinese examples, not American. This makes the book especially valuable to Americans, because when she speaks of a world on fire and the dangers of ethnic conflict coming out from under market-dominant minorities, she is speaking about Chinese examples, not American examples. As the Godfather would say, "This is not personal, this is business."
The author ends with a number of recommendations that appear sensible, but that at this point have no hope of every being considered by the US or other Western powers--or in China. The author's recommendations require an educated public exercising its political power in the pursuit of both global stabilization and national prosperity as seen through a long-term lens. It may take another 9-11, the meltdown of Arabia, and several more genocides in Malaysia and Indonesia, the utter chaos in the Congo, the Ivory Coast, Sudan, and Burundi, to name just four failed states that are testing the United Nations, before the public ultimately realizes that what is exported overseas "in their name" ultimately comes home on fire. The book is well-titled, the author's thesis is important, and those who do not like this book are well-qualified to represent the problematic organizations that the author is discussing.
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Amazon.com
Format:Kindle Edition|Amazon Verified Purchase
Beyond Outrage: What has gone wrong with our economy and our democracy, and how to fix it by Robert B. Reich"Beyond Outrage" is a plea for action for those who care about the Future of America. Accomplished author of twelve books and current Professor of Public Policy, Robert Reich provides insight to what happened to our economy and how to fix it. In a lucid and persuasive manner, Reich provides compelling arguments in support of his main thesis: that our economy and democracy has been manipulated against average working people and what can be done about it. This Kindle Single is an intellectual appetizer. This 1744 KB book is broken out into three parts:
- Part One. The Rigged Game,
- Part Two. The Rise of the Regressive Right, and
- Part Three. Beyond Outrage: What You Need to Do.
Positives:
- Well written, accessible book that gets to the points.
- Robert Reich is an excellent author with a mastery of the subject.
- Establishes upfront the main thesis of this Kindle Single and what the reader should expect from the main body of the book.
- Provides seven dots that when connected show why our economic system is out of whack.
- Thought-provoking comments, "Republicans want us to believe that the central issue is the size of government, but the real issue is whom government is for."
- The gist of the problem; the super-rich have rigged our economy in their favor and at the expense of the average American. Reich provides an overwhelming amount of data in support of his argument. Outrage indeed.
- The issue of revolving doors with regards to regulators and the corporations they were supposed to regulate.
- The relation between the super-rich and their political influence. The political influence that money can buy.
- The best definition for regulation..."regulations make sense where the benefits to the public exceed the costs, and regulations should be designed to maximize those benefits and minimize those costs." Will Dodd-Frank legislation be effective?
- What economic history has taught us. A look at presidential policies from the past.
- The conservative agenda. The rise of the Regressive Right and their strategy.
- A look at the Tea Partiers, their political views.
- The ten biggest economic lies. Interesting.
- How to make a movement.
- An agenda with specific points. Sound policies.
- Links to further information.
Negatives:
- If you have read some of the author's previous books this Kindle Single may come across as déjà vu.
- No formal bibliography or links to notes.
- I'm never happy when a term like "Social Darwinism" is used. It's a bastardized term. Oh well...
- Tax Reform , that is, tax simplification is needed.
In summary, if you have read previous books or have followed Professor Reich's videos this book will feel like déjà vu but if you haven't or just like the idea of having this specific thesis as a refresher or aren't familiar at all, by all means get it. Reich writes in a lucid and direct manner, and always provides thought-provoking insight into the economy. His arguments are sound and it will take you a short time to go through it. I recommend it.
Further recommendations: "Aftershock: The Next Economy and America's Future (Vintage)" by Robert B. Reich, "Age of Greed: The Triumph of Finance and the Decline of America, 1970 to the Present" by Jeff Madrick, "Perfectly Legal: The Covert Campaign to Rig Our Tax System to Benefit the Super Rich--and Cheat Everybody Else" by David Cay Johnston, "Winner-Take-All Politics: How Washington Made the Rich Richer--and Turned Its Back on the Middle Class" by Jacob S. Hacker and Paul Pierson, "The Benefit and The Burden: Tax Reform-Why We Need It and What It Will Take" by Bruce Bartlett, "The Great American Stickup: How Reagan Republicans and Clinton Democrats Enriched Wall Street While Mugging Main Street" by Robert Scheer, "The Fifteen Biggest Lies about the Economy: And Everything Else the Right Doesn't Want You to Know about Taxes, Jobs, and Corporate America" by Joshua Holland, "That Used to Be Us: How America Fell Behind in the World It Invented and How We Can Come Back", by Thomas L. Friedman, "Screwed: The Undeclared War Against the Middle Class - And What We Can Do about It (BK Currents (Paperback))" by Thom Hartmann, and "War on the Middle Class: How the Government, Big Business, and Special Interest Groups Are Waging War on the American Dream and How to Fight Back" by Lou Dobbs.
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By now, many of you will have heard of the eBook "Beyond Outrage" thanks to Robert Reich's spectacular and tireless marketing efforts. These include a notable appearance on The Daily Show, and a mock feud between him and Bill O'Reilly. But all this does little to cover up the reality: that Reich's new eBook contains very little content that does not resemble his columns, blog posts and television appearances.
The stated aim of Reich's eBook is to urge "Americans to get beyond mere outrage about the nation's increasingly concentrated wealth and corrupt politics in order to mobilize and to take back our economy and democracy". Reich's argument is that Americans should not hope that their unequal system will change through electoral politics alone, but through educating the public and thereby pressuring the politics even after the election. In order to accomplish this, Reich has created a short eBook (87 pages) full of information about the inequalities of the system. He provides many comparisons between America's current problems and the "golden age" of American growth and prosperity. He provides much insight, and for only 87 pages there is a hell of a lot of information contained within.
However, as stated before, there is not much NEW information. I am quite a bit a Robert Reich fan. I read his columns, occasionally read his blog posts, and catch his media appearances wherever I can. I respect the man, and I respect his opinion. But because I do catch so much of his work, this eBook gives me the feeling of deja vu. He expressed much of his argument on his Daily Show appearance, and the rest of it during most of his writing in the last few years. About the only difference between Reich's existing (free) work and this eBook is the historical references and comparisons he is able to make in this long form essay, much of which he does not have the time to do in his normal work. However, the book is not referenced, and does not have a bibliography, so it would unlikely be a good source for academic work.
To be honest, in my opinion, $2.99 is not a lot of money to pay for this eBook. It is a very well written treatise. And if your aim is to enlighten your fellow citizens, as Reich intends, then buying this eBook certainly will arm you for your task. However, for the rest of us casual observers, I would suggest merely sticking to Reich's (free) blog posts and columns.
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The general election of 2012 starts today.
We need to do everything we can to make sure Barack Obama is reelected president. But we also need to mobilize for the long haul -- beyond Election Day. We need to fuel a movement to take back our economy and our democracy.
Presidential elections can draw peoples' attention to larger challenges facing our nation, but they can also be distracting. The media focus on the game -- who's up and who's down, and which political strategies are winning or losing -- rather than on the big issues. Campaigns are also geared to winning on Election Day, not to building long-term strategies and movements for fundamental change.
I've been involved in public life, off and on, for over forty years. I've served under three presidents. When not in office I've done my share of organizing and rabble-rousing, along with teaching, speaking, and writing about what I know and what I believe. I have never been as concerned as I am now about the future of our democracy, the corrupting effects of big money in our politics, the stridency and demagoguery of the regressive right, and the accumulation of wealth and power at the very top.
We are perilously close to losing an economy and a democracy that work for everyone, and replacing them with an economy and government that exist mainly for a few wealthy and powerful people.
That's why I've written an ebook called Beyond Outrage (see the above video). You have every reason to be outraged. Moral outrage is the prerequisite for social change. But you also need to move beyond outrage and take action. The regressive forces seeking to move our nation backwards must not be allowed to triumph.
The point of Beyond Outrage is to help you focus on what needs to be done and how you can do it, and to encourage you not to feel bound by what's politically possible this year or next. You need to understand why the stakes are so high, and why your participation - now and in the future -- is so important.
In my experience, nothing good happens in Washington unless good people outside Washington become mobilized, organized, and energized to make it happen. Nothing worth changing in America will actually change unless you and others like you are committed to achieving that change.
Robert Reich, one of the nation's leading experts on work and the economy, is Chancellor's Professor of Public Policy at the Goldman School of Public Policy at the University of California at Berkeley. He has served in three national administrations, most recently as secretary of labor under President Bill Clinton. Time Magazine has named him one of the ten most effective cabinet secretaries of the last century. He has written thirteen books, including his latest best-seller, "Aftershock: The Next Economy and America's Future;" "The Work of Nations," which has been translated into 22 languages; and his newest, an e-book, "Beyond Outrage." His syndicated columns, television appearances, and public radio commentaries reach millions of people each week. He is also a founding editor of the American Prospect magazine, and Chairman of the citizen's group Common Cause. His widely-read blog can be found at www.robertreich.org.
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